Angry Locals JAILED For Longer Than The Migrant Who Sexually Assaulted A 14-Year-Old Girl

UK’s two-tier justice system crushes locals while shielding migrant criminals

A local dad and youth football coach has been jailed for two years and nine months after clashing with police during protests outside an Essex hotel housing asylum seekers. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian migrant whose sexual assaults on a 14-year-old girl and a woman triggered those protests received just 12 months.

This is the face of inverted justice in Britain today. Native citizens who object to the consequences of unchecked migration face harsher punishment than the foreign offenders whose presence sparked their anger. 

At the same time, official government guidance labels the belief that Western culture faces a threat from mass migration as a form of extremism that can trigger deradicalisation referrals. 

Hadush Gerberslasie Kebatu, an Ethiopian national who arrived in the UK on a small boat, was housed at The Bell Hotel in Epping. In July 2025 he approached a 14-year-old girl on a bench, tried to kiss her, made sexually explicit comments and later assaulted her again. He also sexually assaulted a woman who had offered to help him with a CV.

He was found guilty of five offences and jailed for 12 months in September 2025, handed a five-year sexual harm prevention order and placed on the sex offenders register for 10 years. Court reports described him as “manipulative” with a “poor regard for women.” His crimes and presence at the hotel ignited sustained local protests last Summer and beyond.

During those protests, where counter protesters were bussed in, police described large-scale violence including pushing, shoving and kicking officers.

Lee Gower, 43, a local father of two and coach of his son’s football team, was among those charged with violent disorder. This week he was sentenced to two years and nine months in prison. His co-defendant Phillip Curson awaits sentencing on 14 August.

Judge Alexander Mills told Gower: “You adopted a fighting or boxing stance with your fists still clenched” and that his actions were “clearly far removed from peaceful protest.” 

The judge added that if Gower’s conduct on the football pitch resembled his behaviour that day, “that raises real concerns.” 

Prosecutors highlighted Gower’s “hostility” toward asylum seekers and his accusations that they and police were paedophiles. A senior officer told the court: “In my 20 years of policing, I have never witnessed this scale of disorder in Essex — and certainly not in a town like Epping.”

So apparently being angry at the sexual assault of a child and clenching your fists in the direction of police is a crime worthy of more prison time than the actual sexual assault of a child.

While locals who protested the consequences of hotel placements and rapid demographic change receive multi-year sentences, the UK government’s own Prevent training materials place the belief that “Western culture is under threat from mass migration and a lack of integration by certain ethnic and cultural groups” under the heading of “cultural nationalism” — listed as one of the sub-categories of extreme Right-wing terrorist ideologies.

This appears in official refresher awareness courses hosted on gov.uk. Staff are told this conviction can justify referral to deradicalisation programmes. Widely held views on immigration levels, social cohesion and the importance of integration are captured under this label.

The effect is to pathologise the normal human preference for preserving one’s national culture and identity. It reframes legitimate public concern as a precursor to violence, even as actual violence by some unvetted arrivals continues to make headlines.

This ideological framing now operates alongside explicit new mechanisms to control information during periods of public unrest. 

As we earlier highlighted, the internet regulator Ofcom has announced intentions to wield enhanced powers to tackle “false information” online during “times of crisis.”

Technology Secretary Liz Kendall announced plans to update the already dystopian Online Safety Act to require platforms to take quicker action to remove ‘illegal’ content circulating during times of crisis. 

Critics point out that these powers, sold originally as child protection measures, are now being deployed against adult political speech and real-time reporting of events the government dislikes. 

The definition of “crisis” remains deliberately vague and can be triggered by ministers without fresh parliamentary approval. Parallel proposals for mandatory device-level scanning of every photo, video and message only deepen the surveillance infrastructure.

Britain’s governing class has decided that the real danger lies not with foreign nationals who commit sexual assaults on children or knife attacks on locals, but with British citizens who notice the pattern and object. 

The same state that struggles to deport convicted offenders after mistaken prison releases now moves swiftly to monitor, moderate and potentially criminalise online discussion of those failures. 

Phone-scanning mandates, AI-powered policing tools and crisis censorship powers are being built in parallel. The message to the public is unmistakable: stay quiet, accept the consequences of mass low-integration inflows, or face the apparatus of the state.

This is not sustainable. Equal justice under law, secure borders and the right to speak plainly about demographic change are not extremist demands. They are the minimum requirements for a functioning nation that still values its own people. The alternative on offer is more of the same inversion: predators shielded, protesters punished, and truth subordinated to narrative control.

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